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Syntax

Ponrawee Prasertsom
LOT Training Camp 2025

1 / 24

Word order

Order of S(ubject), O(bject) and V(erb)

  • One of the first things you should figure out.
  • In some languages, more than one order is possible.

2 / 24

Heads and dependents

Phrases in languages almost always have heads, which carry the core meanings.

  • Noun phrase: big cars
  • Verb phrase: walk slowly
  • Adposition phrase: to me (preposition), Tokyou kara (postposition)
  • Adjective phrase: really good
3 / 24

Head directionality

  • Heads often consistently occur phrase-initially or -finally.
  • For example, Thai is consistently head-initial:
    • บ้านหลังใหญ่
    • บ้านที่ฉันอยู่
    • เดินช้า ๆ
    • แก่ฉัน-
  • But this is not necessary. English, for example, is usually head-initial, but most adjectives come before nouns.
    • a big house
    • the house that I live in
4 / 24

Morphosyntactic alignment

In English, we have different Subject and Object pronouns:

  • They are walking.
  • He hated them.

In languages with more elaborate case systems, nouns in general can have different Subject and Object forms (case), as in Latvian, which uses case suffixes:

putn-s

bird-SBJ

lidoja

fly.PST.3

putn-s lidoja

bird-SBJ fly.PST.3

‘The bird was flying.’

bērn-s

child-SBJ

zīmē

draw.PRES.3

sun-i

dog-OBJ

bērn-s zīmē sun-i

child-SBJ draw.PRES.3 dog-OBJ

‘The child is drawing a dog.’

5 / 24

NACLO 2009, Round 2, Dyirbal

However, in Dyirbal, intransitive Subject nouns and determiners (bayi) have the same form as transitive Objects.

bayi

DEF

ŋuma

father

ñinañu

sit.PST

bayi ŋuma ñinañu

DEF father sit.PST

‘The father sat.’

bayi

DEF

ŋuma

father

baŋgul

DEF

ñalŋgaŋgu

boy

bur̹an

see.PST

bayi ŋuma baŋgul ñalŋgaŋgu bur̹an

DEF father DEF boy see.PST

‘The boy saw the father.’

6 / 24

NACLO 2009, Round 2, Dyirbal

However, in Dyirbal, intransitive Subject nouns and determiners (bayi) have the same form as transitive Objects.

bayi

DEF

ŋuma

father

ñinañu

sit.PST

bayi ŋuma ñinañu

DEF father sit.PST

‘The father sat.’

bayi

DEF

ŋuma

father

baŋgul

DEF

ñalŋgaŋgu

boy

bur̹an

see.PST

bayi ŋuma baŋgul ñalŋgaŋgu bur̹an

DEF father DEF boy see.PST

‘The boy saw the father.’

... and the transitive Subject has a different form.

ŋinda

2SG

bayi

DEF

ñalŋga

boy

walmbin

wake.PST

ŋinda bayi ñalŋga walmbin

2SG DEF boy wake.PST

‘You woke the boy.’

Subject/Object forms are no longer across across sentences.

7 / 24

Morphosyntactic alignment

Linguists often work with S, A, O instead of Subjects and Objects.

  • S(ubject) = Subject of intransitives
  • A(gent) = Subject of transitives
  • O(bject) = Object of transitives

Common systems:

  • Nominative-accusative: S=A≠O English, Japanese, French, Latvian, Hungarian, ...
  • Ergative-absolutive: S=O≠A Dyirbal, Hunzib, Basque, Tibetan, Georgian, ...

8 / 24

Morphosyntactic alignment

Real languages are not neat. Languages often have split systems, based on other features. Common features are:

  • Verb meaning: In Central Pomo, S=A if the verb is agentive. S=O if the verb is not agentive.

ʔa·

1SG.SA

qʰadé·č’

fight

ʔa· qʰadé·č’

1SG.SA fight

‘I fight.’

ʔa·

1SG.A

mú·tu̪

3SG.O

ʔé·čyadiw

chase_away

ʔa· mú·tu̪ ʔé·čyadiw

1SG.A 3SG.O chase_away

‘I chased him/her away.’

t̪o·

1SG.SO

ló·ya

fall

t̪o· ló·ya

1SG.SO fall

‘I fell.’

mu·l

3SG.A

t̪o·

1SG.O

ʔé·čyadiw

chase_away

mu·l t̪o· ʔé·čyadiw

3SG.A 1SG.O chase_away

‘He chased me away.’

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Morphosyntactic alignment

Real languages are not neat. Languages often have split systems, based on other features. Common features are:

  • Noun type: In Maragny, pronouns follow S=A≠O, but nouns follow S=O≠A.

matya

before

ngaya

1SG.A

balgangandala

hit.HAB.PST

yurdi

meat.O

matya ngaya balgangandala yurdi

before 1SG.A hit.HAB.PST meat.O

‘I used to kill a lot of kangaroos.’

ngaya

1SG.S

nhunu

always

wabanhi

come.PRS

ngaya nhunu wabanhi

1SG.S always come.PRS

‘I always come here.’

nguda-nggu

dog-A

yurdi

meat.O

gamba:nhi

bury.REC.PST

nguda-nggu yurdi gamba:nhi

dog-A meat.O bury.REC.PST

‘The dog buried the meat.’

nguda

dog.S

nguna:labanhi

lie_about.PST

nguda nguna:labanhi

dog.S lie_about.PST

‘There's dogs lying around.’

10 / 24

Morphosyntactic alignment

Real languages are not neat. Languages often have split systems, based on other features. Common features are:

  • Tense/Aspect/Mood
  • Person
  • Animacy
  • ...

Keep your minds open!

11 / 24

NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

  1. kewa:pameθehm
  2. kewa:pameθehmwa:
  3. newa:pama:ehma
  4. newa:pama:ehmaki
  5. kewa:pameθehmwa:ena:n
  6. newa:pama:ehmena:na
  7. kewa:pamiehm
  8. kewa:pama:ehm
  9. kewa:pamiehmwa:
  10. kewa:pamiehmwa:ena:n
  11. newa:pamekwehmena:naki
  1. ‘I see you (sg)’
  2. ‘I see you (pl)’
  3. ‘I see him/her’
  4. ‘I see them’
  5. ‘we see you (pl)’
  6. ‘we see him/her’
  7. ‘you (sg) see me’
  8. ‘you (sg) see her/him’
  9. ‘you (pl) see me’
  10. ‘you (pl) see us (excl)’
  11. ‘they see us’
12 / 24

NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

  1. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm
  2. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:
  3. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-a
  4. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-aki
  5. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  6. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-ena:n-a
  7. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm
  8. ke-wa:pam-a:-ehm
  9. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:
  10. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  11. ne-wa:pam-ekw-ehm-ena:n-aki
  1. 1SG.A.see.2SG.O
  2. 1SG.A.see.2PL.O
  3. 1SG.A.see.3SG.O
  4. 1SG.A.see.3PL.O
  5. 1PL.A.see.2PL.O
  6. 1PL.A.see.3SG.O
  7. 2SG.A.see.1SG.O
  8. 2SG.A.see.3SG.O
  9. 2PL.A.see.1SG.O
  10. 2PL.A.see.1PL.EXCL.O
  11. 3PL.A.see.1PL.INCL.O
13 / 24

NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

  1. ke-wa:pam--ehm
  2. ke-wa:pam--ehm-wa:
  3. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-a
  4. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-aki
  5. ke-wa:pam--ehm-wa:-ena:n
  6. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-ena:n-a
  7. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm
  8. ke-wa:pam-a:-ehm
  9. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:
  10. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  11. ne-wa:pam-ekw-ehm-ena:n-aki
  1. 1SG.A.see.2SG.O
  2. 1SG.A.see.2PL.O
  3. 1SG.A.see.3SG.O
  4. 1SG.A.see.3PL.O
  5. 1PL.A.see.2PL.O
  6. 1PL.A.see.3SG.O
  7. 2SG.A.see.1SG.O
  8. 2SG.A.see.3SG.O
  9. 2PL.A.see.1SG.O
  10. 2PL.A.see.1PL.EXCL.O
  11. 3PL.A.see.1PL.INCL.O
  • -eθ- = 1.A → 2.O
14 / 24

NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

  1. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm
  2. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:
  3. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-a
  4. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-aki
  5. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  6. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-ena:n-a
  7. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm
  8. ke-wa:pam-a:-ehm
  9. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:
  10. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  11. ne-wa:pam-ekw-ehm-ena:n-aki
  1. 1SG.A.see.2SG.O
  2. 1SG.A.see.2PL.O
  3. 1SG.A.see.3SG.O
  4. 1SG.A.see.3PL.O
  5. 1PL.A.see.2PL.O
  6. 1PL.A.see.3SG.O
  7. 2SG.A.see.1SG.O
  8. 2SG.A.see.3SG.O
  9. 2PL.A.see.1SG.O
  10. 2PL.A.see.1PL.EXCL.O
  11. 3PL.A.see.1PL.INCL.O
  • -eθ- = 1.A → 2.O
  • -a:- = 1.A, 2.A → 3.O
  • -i- = 2.A → 1.O
  • -ekw- = 3.A → 1.O
15 / 24

NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

  1. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm
  2. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:
  3. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-a
  4. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-aki
  5. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  6. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-ena:n-a
  7. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm
  8. ke-wa:pam-a:-ehm
  9. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:
  10. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  11. ne-wa:pam-ekw-ehm-ena:n-aki
  1. 1SG.A.see.2SG.O
  2. 1SG.A.see.2PL.O
  3. 1SG.A.see.3SG.O
  4. 1SG.A.see.3PL.O
  5. 1PL.A.see.2PL.O
  6. 1PL.A.see.3SG.O
  7. 2SG.A.see.1SG.O
  8. 2SG.A.see.3SG.O
  9. 2PL.A.see.1SG.O
  10. 2PL.A.see.1PL.EXCL.O
  11. 3PL.A.see.1PL.INCL.O
  • -eθ- = 1.A → 2.O
  • -a:- = 1.A, 2.A → 3.O
  • -i- = 2.A → 1.O
  • -ekw- = 3.A → 1.O
  1. -wa: = 2PL
16 / 24

NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

  1. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm
  2. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:
  3. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-a
  4. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-aki
  5. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  6. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-ena:n-a
  7. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm
  8. ke-wa:pam-a:-ehm
  9. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:
  10. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  11. ne-wa:pam-ekw-ehm-ena:n-aki
  1. 1SG.A.see.2SG.O
  2. 1SG.A.see.2PL.O
  3. 1SG.A.see.3SG.O
  4. 1SG.A.see.3PL.O
  5. 1PL.A.see.2PL.O
  6. 1PL.A.see.3SG.O
  7. 2SG.A.see.1SG.O
  8. 2SG.A.see.3SG.O
  9. 2PL.A.see.1SG.O
  10. 2PL.A.see.1PL.EXCL.O
  11. 3PL.A.see.1PL.INCL.O
  • -eθ- = 1.A → 2.O
  • -a:- = 1.A, 2.A → 3.O
  • -i- = 2.A → 1.O
  • -ekw- = 3.A → 1.O
  1. -wa: = 2PL
  2. -ena:n = 1PL
  3. -a, -aki = 3SG, 3PL
  4. -∅ = 1SG, 2SG
17 / 24

NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

  1. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm
  2. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:
  3. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-a
  4. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-aki
  5. ke-wa:pam-eθ-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  6. ne-wa:pam-a:-ehm-ena:n-a
  7. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm
  8. ke-wa:pam-a:-ehm
  9. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:
  10. ke-wa:pam-i-ehm-wa:-ena:n
  11. ne-wa:pam-ekw-ehm-ena:n-aki
  1. 1SG.A.see.2SG.O
  2. 1SG.A.see.2PL.O
  3. 1SG.A.see.3SG.O
  4. 1SG.A.see.3PL.O
  5. 1PL.A.see.2PL.O
  6. 1PL.A.see.3SG.O
  7. 2SG.A.see.1SG.O
  8. 2SG.A.see.3SG.O
  9. 2PL.A.see.1SG.O
  10. 2PL.A.see.1PL.EXCL.O
  11. 3PL.A.see.1PL.INCL.O
  • -eθ- = 1.A → 2.O
  • -a:- = 1.A, 2.A → 3.O
  • -i- = 2.A → 1.O
  • -ekw- = 3.A → 1.O
  1. -wa: = 2PL
  2. -ena:n = 1PL
  3. -a, -aki = 3SG, 3PL
  4. -∅ = 1SG, 2SG
  • ne- = 1 and 3
  • ke- = 2
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NACLO 2017, Round 2, Proto-Algonquian

Algonquian languages have the direct-inverse voice system. This kind of system cares about the Person feature of both A and O.

(Note that there is another equally valid answer that does not make use of the direct-inverse system, but the real system is a direct-inverse one.)

19 / 24

Valence-decreasing: Passive

We are all familiar with the passive voice in English:

  • He pushed her.
  • She was pushed (by him). (passive)

In terms of alignment, the passive is A-demotion.

  • A is omitted or becomes an Oblique (sheby her).
  • O becomes S (hershe).
  • The verb becomes intransitive.
20 / 24

Valence-decreasing: Antipassive

There is something similar in ergative languages (S=O≠A). This is the antipassive.

yero-m

Yero-A

keme-q

meat-O

nere-llru-a

eat-PST-3SG.A:3SG.O

yero-m keme-q nere-llru-a

Yero-A meat-O eat-PST-3SG.A:3SG.O

‘Yero ate the meat.’

yero-q

Yero-S

(kemer-meng)

meat-INS

nere-llru-u-q

eat-PST-INTR-3SG

yero-q (kemer-meng) nere-llru-u-q

Yero-S meat-INS eat-PST-INTR-3SG

‘Yero ate (the meat).’

The antipassive is O-demotion.

  • O is omitted or becomes an Oblique (keme-qkemer-meng).
  • A becomes S (yero-myero-q).
21 / 24

Valence-increasing: Causative

Some languages have causative forms that add the meaning ‘‘make sb V’’ to a verb. Examples from Quechua:

noqa

1SG

puñu-u

sleep-1SG

noqa puñu-u

1SG sleep-1SG

‘I sleep.’

3SG.A

noqa-ta

1SG-O

puñu-chi-ma-n

sleep-CAUS-1SG.O-3SG.A

∅ noqa-ta puñu-chi-ma-n

3SG.A 1SG-O sleep-CAUS-1SG.O-3SG.A

‘It makes me sleep.’

22 / 24

Valence-increasing: Applicative

Obliques get promoted to O (rá-viimú-ra)

In Yagua, the Oblique occurs as a separate word:

sa-duu

3SG-blow

rá-viimú

INAN-into

sa-duu rá-viimú

3SG-blow INAN-into

‘He blows into it.’

When the verb is in the applicative, O-agreement suffix (technically, clitic) occurs with the verb.

sa-duu-ta-ra

3SG.A-blow-APPL-INAN.O

sa-duu-ta-ra

3SG.A-blow-APPL-INAN.O

‘He blows it.’

23 / 24

Valence-increasing: Applicative

Applicatives may also occur with transitive verbs. This makes them ditransitives and add meaning such as, 'for someone'.

In Kinyawarda,

umukôobwa

girl

a-rá-som-er-a

3SG.F-PROG-read-BEN.APPL-ASP

umuhuûngu

boy

igitabo

book

umukôobwa a-rá-som-er-a umuhuûngu igitabo

girl 3SG.F-PROG-read-BEN.APPL-ASP boy book

‘The girl is reading the boy a book (= the girl is reading a book for the boy).’

24 / 24

Word order

Order of S(ubject), O(bject) and V(erb)

  • One of the first things you should figure out.
  • In some languages, more than one order is possible.

2 / 24
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